In 1929, H. Richard Niebuhr wrote a classic text entitled The Social Sources of Denominationalism. In this book, Niebuhr (brother of Reinhold) argued that denominations were a distinguishing mark of American religious life. These denominational divisions were rooted, he contended, in the differences of social and economic class, national origin, sectionalism, and race. His thesis was fairly simple. "Religious energies," he wrote, "are dammed up, confined to narrow channels, split into parallel streams, by the non-religious distinctions and classifications of Christians...Denominationalism thus represents the moral failure of Christianity."

Niebuhr certainly had reason to feel as he did. As late as 1956, a study of Southern Baptist clergy documented that 96% were against sharing communion with other Christians. 80% of Episcopalians believed it was wrong to hold joint worship with other Christian groups. A member of the faculty at the University of Chicago was quoted in 1948 as saying, "The difference between Protestantism and Roman Catholicism is so profound it seems almost impossible to recognize them as two forms of one Christianity." Francis Cardinal Spellman referred to Protestants as "unhooded Klansmen."

Attitudes toward Jews were even harsher. Many viewed Jews as "Christ-killers," and a majority said they would refuse to marry a Jew. Many saw Jews as a threat to America, and nearly half subscribed to the belief that Jews had to much power in the United States. A similar percentage of the population admitted to discriminating against persons who were Jewish.

But there is reason to believe that American attitudes towards these denominational barriers has undergone a profound shift. The increasing ecumenism we examined earlier, along with the growing appeal of the non-denominational Community Churches suggests that the denominational divisions of which Niebuhr spoke have been severely eroded.

Crossing Over

The denominational barriers that seemed so resistant to change to H. Richard Niebuhr show signs of significant weakening. In increasing numbers, Americans are switching denominations. In 1955, a Gallup poll revealed that only 4% of the adult population belonged to a different denomination from the one in which they were raised. In 1985--thirty years later--another Gallup poll documented that 33% of adults no longer belonged to the denomination of their childhood.

Some denominations have been heavily impacted by this new mobility among the denominations. Data collected over two decades shows that 45% of persons who were raised Presbyterian now belong to other denominations or none at all. For Methodists, the figure is somewhat less, but hardly comforting. Only 40% of those raised Methodist have changed their religious affiliation. Episcopalians had a loss rate of 38%. Baptists and Lutherans lost 25% each, while Catholics lost 15%, and Jews 17%.

One reason for this has been the willingness of Americans to attend services across denominational barriers. Studies in the eighties documented that 80% of Americans have attended a religious service of a denomination other than their own. 60% have attended the services of at least three different denominations, and 33% have worshipped in five or more. These high percentages suggest that denominational "brand" loyalty has undergone considerable erosion.

Another factor seems to be education. Persons with some college education are 3 times as likely to have attended the services of six or more denominations. People who go to college are more likely than not to switch denominations. (The sole exception to this is among the Jews. There the percentage of persons switch is a constant 15% regardless of educational background.) And most Americans do not stop with just one change of religious affiliation. 20% switch more than twice. 10% alter their denominational identity three or more times.

Still another reason for this mobility is an increase in inter-marriage across denominational and religious boundaries. Inter-marriage for Jews, for instance, rose steadily from 3% in 1965 to 17% in the mid-eighties. Much that same thing has happened (but to a greater extent) between Christian groups. In these cases, about two-thirds of the couples eventually achieve a religious unity. Either one spouse joins the faith of the other (40% of cases) or both switch to another denomination or faith (30%).

A Shift in Attitudes

This increasing denominational mobility suggests that most Americans no longer consider denominational identity to be immutable or necessarily important. Where they once viewed their own denomination as the "true" form of the faith, and saw members of other churches as being theologically-challenged. But that has shifted. Robert Wuthnow has pointed out that "the vast majority of members in most denominations and faiths [now] hold positive views of one another...Attitudes towards Episcopalians ran positive by a ration of 11 to 1. Presbyterians were regarded positively by a ratio of 18 to 1; Lutherans, also by a ratio of 18 to 1; and Methodists, by a ratio of 27 to 1." Only such groups as the Mormons, Seventh Day Adventists, fundamentalists, evangelicals, and charismatics, had strongly negative ratings.

This change in attitude has also infiltrated the leadership of many denominations. Where participation in communion was once restricted to members of a given denomination, many have opened their tables to any who will come. In the Episcopal Church a 400 year rule requiring that anyone receiving the Eucharist in an Episcopal church be a member has been rescinded. In the Presbyterian Church, it has become much easier for clergy who are trained in non-Presbyterian seminaries to be ordained. As a result, half of the clergy in that denomination were trained in a seminary outside the Presbyterian fold.

A similar shift has also occurred in the attitudes of Protestants and Catholics towards one another. When Al Smith ran for President, there was tremendous anti-Catholic prejudice, but in 1960 a Catholic was elected to the Presidency. In 1952, one in ten Protestants had a negative view of Catholics, but by 1980 that has decreased to 1 in 50. Inter-faith marriages between Protestants and Catholics were once frowned upon, but today are accepted by 80% of the population. In many ways, Protestants and Catholics have become increasingly alike in terms of educational backgrounds, and social status. Where Catholics were seen as immigrants, today they are viewed as members of the mainstream society. Younger Catholics have helped accelerate this process, identifying less and less with their faith, blurring the distinctives that once set them apart.

The shift in attitudes where Jews are concerned has been even greater as Wuthnow points out. In the 1940s, 47% of Americans felt "Jews had too much power." In the 1960s, one third "of the population harbored distinctly negative stereotypes of Jews, while as many as another third was tainted by mild evidences of anti-Semitism." But there has been a fairly rapid shift in attitudes over the past 30 years. During that period, "the proportion of Americans agreeing that "Jews have a lot of irritating faults" dropped from 40% to 19%; the proportion who thought "Jews stick together too much" declined from 52 to 40%; and the proportion who believed "Jews use shady practices in business" diminished from 42% to 23%. While these numbers suggest that anti-Semitism remains strong, (for an example of just how strong, click here for the Aryan Nations Home Page) they also point to a significant decline in public support for such discrimination.

The Impact of Shifting Attitudes

As more and more people move across denominational barriers, or marry someone of another faith, the divisions in American life that Niebuhr lamented will decline. The deep hostility that existed between denominations and faiths 40 years ago, as well as the intense prejudice against Jews has been reduced markedly. Denominational identity no longer defines a person for the entirety of his or her life.

It would be wrong, however, to suggest that denominations will fade away completely. Many Americans still use denominational labels to identify themselves, even when they may have not have a formal affiliation. (Recent studies suggest, for instance that there are several million more Methodists than the official number on the denomination's roll.) And despite the increase in independent, non-denominational churches, the majority of Americans still belong to an established denomination.

And yet, denominational leaders should not breathe a sigh of relief. Clearly, people have weaker ties to their denomination of origin, and feel free to move across denominational barriers with relative ease. As a result, the once powerful denominational hierarchies have lost much of their ability to dictate to local congregations (people are much freer to simply pick up and move), and have come to be seen as largely superfluous to many rank and file Christians and Jews. While most Americans remain deeply interested in spirituality, they are turning less and less to the established denominations for their answers.